In a heinous incident of political violence and intimidation, 9 Dalit activists, including three women, were brutally attacked by CPM cadres at Nandankuzhi in Madikai, Kerala on 6th April, Sunday. CPM workers unleashed attack on Dalit Service Society (DSS) activists who were campaigning for their candidate at Nandankuzhi. CPM has also threatened the Dalit activists from visiting the colonies and seeking votes. (http://www.newindianexpress.com/states/kerala/Dalit-Activists- Attacked/2014/04/07/article2154024.ece#.U0Usj3nrbIX)
In another shameful incident, a Dalit student from M.B.A Healthcare Management of University of Hyderabad was brutally beaten up by SFI cadres on the last day of university’s annual fest “Sukoon”. The student sustained several injuries on his head, eye and back side of the body when he was attacked with stones by SFI hooligans.
AISA strongly condemns these incidents of casteist targeting, political intimidation and violence.
These two incidents are nothing but some latest instances of CPI (M)-SFI’s grisly politics of silencing any voice of dissent and opposition by brutal violence, particularly targeting activists from oppressed sections. The entire CPI(M) machinery has also routinely indulged in the practice of spreading canards against political opponents to cover-up or at times even justify the vicious attacks, killings and sexual violence.
We have not forgotten the brutal rape and murder by the CPI (M) of Tapasi Malik, the 18 year-old dalit girl, who was a highly motivated member of the “Save Farmland Committee” spearheading the struggle against land acquisition in Singur. Just after her murder, the CPI (M) spread malicious slanders claiming that she had been killed by a lover or had committed suicide due to a tiff with her lover. After the CBI investigation, Court has found Debu Malik, a powerful local CPI(M) activist, and Suhrid Datta, the Singur Zonal Committee Secretary of the CPI(M), guilty of the rape and murder of Tapasi Malik, and has sentenced them to life imprisonment in 2012.
But, even today, even in the JNU campus itself, SFI-CPI (M) is unashamedly unapologetic about their history of political vendetta, killings and sexual violence. Just a few days back, the SFI’s GSCASH candidate defended the rape of Tapasi in the UGBM asking us to understand the “political context” of the rape! On last 22 February, AISA organised a Public Meeting at Periyar Mess, to mark the release of a book in the memory of Com. T.P. Chandrasekharan, who was hacked to death for the ‘crime’ of leaving CPI(M) and forming an alternative Left party. SFI cadres came to the meeting in an organised group. When one of the speakers called upon the house to stand up in one-minute silence in memory of Com. TPC, the SFI cadres refused to do so and sat through in bizzare distasteful show of arrogance. Subsequently, they raised several questions branding Com. TPC as ‘rightwing’ in a shocking attempt at justifying his heinous murder by the CPI(M) goons in Kerala.
Indeed, it is not just the culture of violence and vendetta, but also organised justification of the violence which constitute the distinctive hall-mark of CPI(M)-SFI politics. CPI(M) machinery in many ways perfected the art of political violence which is anyway an integral part of the ruling class politics. We appeal to the student community to reject CPI(M)-SFI’s cult of politics of vendetta and their routine justifications.
The BJP released its Manifesto for Lok Sabha 2014 on the very day that the first phase of polls was held. Why this delay by the party that is promising miraculously efficient governance? Well, the answer was revealed by the BJP’s ally Ram Vilas Paswan, who declared that ‘Manifestos don’t matter,’ since Modi’s intent is known to all!!! So, the voter is asked to vest blind faith in Modi’s vituperative speeches and theatrics, televised 24×7, rather than ask for specifics in a Manifesto.
What does the ‘Modifesto,’ dressed up as and belatedly released ‘BJP Manifesto’, tell us? Much of it is florid phrases and vague statements of ‘intentions’. But a close look reveals, beneath the camouflage, some significant pointers to the corporate-communal agenda under Modi. First, the Manifesto belies all the claims by his apologists and new-found friends that Modi now stands for ‘development’ rather than divisive RSS agenda. The core Hindutva agenda is very much present: Ram Temple in Ayodhya; abrogating Article 370; ban on cow slaughter, while other issues dear to the Sangh camp are also present in disguise.
The BJP Manifesto’s claim that it will seek to construct the Ram Temple at Ayodhya “within the framework of the constitution” is ironic: after all, the question of constructing this Temple there has arisen only thanks to the criminal and unconstitutional demolition of the historic Babri Masjid! Recent sting tapes release by cobrapost have revealed further evidence of the fact that the demolition was meticulously planned with the blessings of the top BJP leadership.
The BJP Manifesto brings back the agenda of ‘Uniform Civil Code’ (UCC) as a mode of ‘gender justice.’ In the Hindutva dictionary, UCC has always been ‘code’ for imposition of curbs on Muslim personal law in the name of gender justice. The women’s movement, instead, has struggled for gender justice rather than ‘uniformity’ in personal laws. Personal laws of all religions including Hindu personal law continue to be discriminatory to women. Women from all faiths are in fact struggling to reform and reinterpret personal laws in gender just ways – and the way forward must be to support those efforts. Moreover, the BJP’s own track record on gender justice is abysmal. Its cousin organisations affiliated to RSS, like Bajrang Dal and ABVP, regularly seek to impose bans on women wearing jeans, celebrating Valentine’s Day, and Hindu women having Muslim male friends. The Sangh’s Durga Vahini and Rashtra Sevika Samiti advise women that wife-beating may be well-deserved, and should be borne in silence. Recently, Sangh outfits beat up a woman councillor in Karnataka for campaigning for a Muslim candidate.
The BJP Manifesto is silent on such instances of moral policing by its own fraternal organisations, and is also silent on the ‘honour’ crimes committed by khap panchayats. The BJP Manifesto’s section on Youth, significantly, begins with a quote from Vivekananda, calling upon ‘Young men’ to respond to the call of the nation; young women, and their concerns for their freedom and autonomy from patriarchal restrictions, are missing from the Manifesto. In this backdrop, any talk of Uniform Civil Code has ominous overtones of the imposition of a Hindutva code on all women.
the BJP Manifesto promotes the concept of ‘Industry Family’, in which “industry owners and labours bond as a family.” Inside a ‘family’, there can be no room for Unions and workers’ struggles and entitlements; so, naturally, the BJP promises to “bring together all stakeholders to review our Labour laws”.
Similarly, the Sangh’s antipathy to caste based reservations can be seen disguised as a reference to ‘Social Harmony’: according to which “identity politics and tokenisms” for SC/ST/OBCs will be replaced by “education and entrepreneurship.”
On Economic Policies:
On the substantive issues of economic policies and corporate plunder, the BJP’s plank is identical with that of the Congress. It pursues privatisation (disguised as ‘People-Public-Private-Partnership); it proposed “auction of precious resources through efficient mechanisms”; it opposes FDI in multi-brand retail while promoting FDI in various strategic sectors. And it is silent on the need to end forward trading to curb price rise; the silence is a green signal to the hoarders, speculators and retail mafias.
The most disturbing part of the BJP’s poll agenda, of course, is the relentless communal hate-speech by its leaders, led by Modi and Amit Shah. In speech after speech, Modi has ranted against what he calls a ‘pink revolution’ – the policy of subsidies to meat producers – that he pits against ‘green revolution’ of subsidies to farmers. He refers to meat production as ‘massacre of animals’. His aide Amit Shah, in inflammatory speeches on Jat platforms in the Muzaffarnagar-Shamli area, has referred to “beggars becoming millionaires by running slaughter-houses” and promised that BJP will “put a stop to this.” While the BJP Manifesto speaks of ‘cow protection’, it deliberately evades the fact that beef forms part of the diet of several communities across India. But are all these statements about any reasoned ‘economic policy’ on ‘meat production industry’ or solely aimed at communal targeting and fanning communal hate? In fact, according to the “data compiled by the Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce and Industry from Gujarat’s Pollution Control Board reveals that meat production in the State, under Mr. Modi, more than doubled in 10 years. Gujarat produced 22,000 tonnes of meat in 2010-11 against 10,600 tonnes of meat in 2001-02.” (http://www.thehindu.com/news/national/other-states/meat-production-doubled-in-gujarat-in-10-years/article5872923.ece)! So, Modi’s and Shah’s references to ‘pink revolution’ are a calculated ploy to paint an evocative picture of the ‘violent Muslim’ and whip up communal frenzy eyeing electoral dividends.
And of course, the Modi Manifesto is silent on the fact that it’s subsidies and sops to corporates that are robbing both farmers and meat producers (both part of food production) of their rights and country’s land, forests and minerals!
Indeed, the manufactured myth of Modi ‘development’ magic falls flat in the face of the fact that both its Manifesto and its’ leaders speeches are laced with communal venom. Defeating this communal-corporate fascist agenda is the major challenge of this election.
Stand Up Against Victim-Blaming, Rape-Culture and Witch-Hunt of the Survivor!
AISA welcomes the belated verdict delivered after long 18 years by the Kerala High Court in the shocking Suryanelli rape case of 1996. On 4 April a division bench of the Kerala High Court convicted 24 of the 31 accused in the Suryanelli rape case. The accused were sentenced to prison terms ranging from 4 to 13 years. The main accused advocate Dharmarajan got life imprisonment and two other accused are sentenced to 10-year imprisonment with a fine of Rs.15,000. Fifteen other accused are to serve seven-year imprisonment term with a fine of Rs.15,000. However, seven other have been acquitted by the court.
The Suryanelli rape case concerns a 16-year-old school going girl, from the Suryanelli village of Kerala, who was enticed, abducted and sexually exploited by a bus conductor on January 16, 1996. She was later handed over to two others, including the prime accused Dharmarajan. She was raped 67 times by various people during a period of 40 days and transported over 3000 kilometres. 40 people were accused of being involved in the incident, and these included some well-known and well-placed individuals.
Prolonged Travesty of Justice
A Special Court in Kerala sentenced 35 persons to rigorous imprisonment in 2000. However, in 2005, the State High Court acquitted all of them except Dharmarajan, claiming that the girl had consensual sex with all of them. (Interestingly, Dharmarajan, the prime accused, had been absconding since 2002. It was only in 2013 that he was nabbed and arrested in Karnataka.) Though the prosecution appealed the case in the Supreme Court in 2005, it remained pending in the Supreme Court for eight years!
It was only in the aftermath of the 2012 Delhi bus gang rape case, the long pending Suryanelli case was brought to attention of the Chief Justice of India. Subsequently, the Supreme Court reversed the Kerala High Court’s decision in January 2013, describing it as “shocking”. Following SC’s order to reconsider the Suryanelli rape case, the Kerala High Court set up a special bench and hearing of the appeals began on March 13, 2013. Earlier, at one point, the case became sensational when the girl alleged that one of the rapists was Rajya Sabha speaker P.J. Kurien. He was later discharged from the case by the High Court in 2007. In February 2013, in the wake of massive protests against rape and gender violence that that were sweeping the country, the survivor, gained some confidence to file a fresh case against P.J. Kurien and the former Additional Director General of Police Siby Mathew (for forcing Dharmarajan not tell the name of P J Kurien), in the High Court. Several protests were held in Delhi and Kerala in support of the survivor with the demand to remove P.J. Kurien from the seat of Rajya Sabha Chairman. However, Congress marshalled all its clout, in the state and the Centre to defend him. And this time too, her petition against Kurien was rejected by the High Court on October 23, 2013.
Throughout the entire phase, the survivor and her family faced social ostracism and witch-hunt from the politically powerful people. Last year, in February 2013, when the case was re-opened, the Congress MP K. Sudhakaran, in a typical display of rape-culture, went to the extent of saying that the girl had moved around “as a prostitute, making money and accepting gifts” ( Indian Express, Feb 18, 2013).
Now on 4 April 2014, the High Court pronounced the verdict in the Suryanelli rape case. The bold survivor from Suryanelli, who was just 16-year-old at the time of the incident, finally got some justice after 18 years. However, the fact remains that no action has been taken against several influential and well-placed individuals such as Kurien whose names figured in the case.
Shakti Mill Rape case Verdict
On 4 April 2014, in another significant development, a Mumbai court, pronounced punishment for the accused in the horrific Shakti Mill gang rape case of Mumbai.
The August 2013 Mumbai Shakti Mill gang rape case involves the incident in which a photo-journalist, who was interning with an English magazine in Mumbai, was gang-raped by five persons, including a juvenile, when she had gone to the deserted Shakti Mills compound, in South Mumbai, with her male colleague on an assignment on August 22, 2013. The accused had tied up the victim’s colleague with belts and raped her. The accused also made a video clip of the sexual assault. Subsequently, once the photojournalist’s rape got reported, one more gang rape case was reported by a 19 year old call-centre employee who came forward to identify that three of the Shakti Mill case were among the gang of five who raped her on 31 July 2013.
The three men had previously received a sentence of life imprisonment in the former case, but the special prosecutor filed additional charges under Section 376(E) of the Indian Penal Code, which allows the death penalty to be imposed on repeat rapists, even without the death of a victim. This clause came into force as part of the amendments in the ant-Rape Law following the 16 December Delhi bus gang-rape case. This punishment is being invoked for the first time. Two other men, each involved in one attack but not the other, were given sentences of life in prison, while two other suspects, both juveniles, are being tried separately. We welcome this speedy conviction.
At the same time, death penalty as punishment is something which is unacceptable. It has been widely held, by jurists and social activists, that death sentence has not diminished violence against women which is deeply rooted in unequal and discriminatory practices. This is often a short-cut through which the society and particularly the state abdicates its larger responsibility towards creating a culture and environment that provides dignity and safety to women. Further, as noted lawyer and women’s rights activist, Flavia Agnes has noted, “They just wanted to make a showcase of this case. There is nothing for the victim, they have not provided her with anything as relief. They are giving the death penalty as if it’s for their own sake.”
It is high time we fight up for speedy justice in every case. The govt.’s promise of fast-track courts and time bound convictions still remains a far cry. Let us also resolve to defeat the cult of victim-blaming and rape-culture indulged in by the people in position and power, which sustain the obnoxious system which breeds violence against women and deters justice!
Interestingly, even as the first votes are going to be cast in next couple of days, BJP, which ‘officially’ declared its PM candidate almost a year back, could not manage time yet to release its ‘manifesto’. All we have is a daily stream of live telecasts, almost round the clock, of vituperative rally addresses by Modi! One single Manifesto substituted by a daily Modifesto.
The most unprecedented phenomenon of the 2014 elections has been the NaMo PR exercise. It has been running for years now- powered by hired desi-videshi PR agencies , big corporates and complicit media houses. One of the tag lines of this unusually extended exercise was “Forget 2002! See the ‘growth’ and ‘governance’ of Modi regime”.
But can a tiger ever change its stripes? With every passing day, Modi and his team has affirmed that contempt, hatred, and violence towards the minorities and denigration of the oppressed sections is embedded in his imagery, his metaphors, and his politics. His own speeches make it very clear that Modi’s communal plank isn’t a thing of the past – it’s very much his recipe for power in the present and near future.
Refusal to Implement minority scholarship scheme in Gujarat:
The Modi Government has refused to abide by the Gujarat High Court verdict of February 2013 to implement minority scholarships in Gujarat. In its affidavit, the Gujarat Government has attacked the Sachar Committee, saying “The Sachar Committee is neither constitutional nor statutory. …The Committee’s target was to help the Muslims only.”
‘Burqua of Secularism’:
On 15 July 2013 Pune Modi jeeringly referred to the ” ‘burqa’ of secularism”- Isn’t it obvious Why he chose to use the word ‘burqa’ used by the Muslim women, instead of the word ‘purdah’ which is used by Hindus and Muslims alike.
I’m a Hindu Nationalist:
On 12 July 2013, in his infamous Reuter interview, Modi called himself a ‘Hindu nationalist’.
Calling the victims of the Gujarat genocide as “puppies crushed under the wheels of a car.” said Modi in the same Reuters interview.
Communalising meat Export:
At a Khandwa rally on 22 November 2013 he said, “Lal Bahadur Shastri used to talk of ‘green revolution’ but the UPA Government is encouraging ‘pink revolution’ by promoting meat exports. They are giving subsidy to set up slaughterhouses… cows and other animals are getting slaughtered…Export cotton and pay tax, export mutton and get subsidy.” Subsequently, he repeated the same theme in Nawada Bihar on 2 April, 2014 and at Ghaziabad on 2 April 2014. The Nawada and Ghaziabad versions of the speech were more vitriolic. In Nawada he added, “This is the land of people who worship cows. How can you support those who support cow slaughter?”, with the clear intent to use communal provocation as a means to woo votes.
This is directly in line with the Sangh’s communal propaganda on ‘cow slaughter,’ demonising the minority communities by associating them with ‘slaughtering cows and other animals.’ It is also well known how the alleged stealing of cows by Muslims has often been cited as a pretext for communal riots in Uttar Pradesh and Bihar. No wonder, after these speeches on 4 April there was a similar flare-up in Pilibhit, UP. Farmers’ groups demand subsidies for their products without pitting this against subsidies for meat producers. But Modi insists on giving farmers’ demands a communal twist.
Politics of 75% vs. 25%:
At the Agra rally of 22 Nov 2013, he talked of the UPA Government of “neglecting and doing injustice to 75 percent of the people and playing games for 25 percent of the people.” It is the same rally, where the two UP MLAs, Sangeet Som and Suresh Rana, accused in the Muzaffarnagar riots, were felicitated.
Isolating ONLY the Muslim refugees from Bangladesh:
In the 22 Feb Assam 2014 rally he talked of accommodating Hindu migrants from Bangladesh in India while distinguishing those who are brought for ‘vote bank’- an explicit call to isolate only those Bangladeshi migrants who are Muslims!
Amit Shah’s call for “revenge to insult” in Muzaffarnagar:
At a meeting with Jat community leaders in Muzaffarnagar on 3 April, 2014 Amit Shah said, “This election is about voting out the government that protects and gives compensation to those who killed Jats. It is about badla (revenge) and protecting izzat (honour)… A man can live without food or sleep. He can live when he is thirsty and hungry but when he is insulted, he cannot live. Apmaan ka badla to lena hoga, an insult has to be avenged.” The BJP backed Amit Shah for these remarks.
So, politics of hate and provoking communal frenzy is the basic staple of Modi-BJP strategy of election and governance. It can never cut its umbilical cord from the RSS which remains the fountain -head of this hate ideology and politics.
Recently, in an ETV interview of 1 April 2014 Modi reaffirmed: “Foundation plays a vital role in the formation of an individual. … I owe it all to the RSS.”
It is little known that Modi has written a book in Gujarati “Shree Guruji: Ek Swayamsevak” which is publicised as “Shri Narendra Modi’s dedication to Shri Madhavrao Sadashivrao Golwalkar, popularly known as ‘Guruji’.”
Let us see some samples of RSS and Golwalkar ‘s ideas – in their own words – to which Modi claims to “owe all”:
Ridiculing Freedom Struggle: “Anti-Britishism was equated with patriotism and nationalism. This reactionary view has had disastrous effects upon the entire course of the freedom movement, its leaders and the common people” (M. S. Golwalkar, Bunch of Thoughts, Bangalore, 1996, p. 138)
Betraying the 1942 Quit India Movement:
“In 1942 also there was a strong sentiment in the hearts of many. At that time too the routine work of Sangh continued. Sangh decided not to do anything directly.” (Shri Guruji Samagra Darshan, Vol. IV, Nagpur, n.d., p.41)
Opposing the National Flag at the dawn of Independence: “The people who have come to power by the kick of fate may give in our hands the Tricolour but it never be respected and owned by Hindus. The word three is in itself an evil and a flag having three colours will certainly produce a very bad psychological effect and is injurious to a country.” (Organiser, August 14, 1947)
On Hindu Rashtra:
“… the foreign races in Hindusthan must either adopt the Hindu culture and language, must learn to respect and hold in reverence Hindu religion, must entertain no idea but those of the glorification of the Hindu race and culture, i.e., of the Hindu nation and must lose their separate existence to merge in the Hindu race, or may stay in the country, wholly subordinated to the Hindu Nation, claiming nothing, deserving no privileges, far less any preferential treatment not even citizen’s rights.” (M. S. Golwalkar, We or Our Nationhood Defined, 1938, p. 47-48)
Advocating Hate and Witch-hunt of Minorities:
Golwalkar’s other book “Bunch of Thoughts” has a long chapter titled “Internal Threats” (Part Two – The Nation And Its Problems Section XVI). It starts with the following sentence: “It has been the tragic lesson of the history of many a country in the world that the hostile elements within the country pose a far greater menace to national security than aggressors from outside” And he identifies three major “Internal Threats: I: The Muslims; II: The Christians; III: The Communists”. This long chapter impugns the patriotism of these groups, speaking darkly of their “future aggressive designs on our country”.
Advocating Manusmriti in the place of India’s Constitution:
When the Constituent Assembly of India had finalized the Constitution of India the RSS mouthpiece, Organizer, in an editorial on November 30, 1949, complained: “But in our constitution there is no mention of the unique constitutional development in ancient Bharat. Manu’s Laws were written long before Lycurgus of Sparta or Solon of Persia. To this day his laws as enunciated in the Manusmriti excite the admiration of the world and elicit spontaneous obedience and conformity. But to our constitutional pundits that means nothing.”
According to Savarkar, another Hindutva hero:
” Manusmriti is that scripture which is most worshipable after Vedas for our Hindu Nation and which from ancient times has become the basis of our culture-customs, thought and practice. This book for centuries has codified the spiritual and divine march of our nation. Even today the rules which are followed by crores of Hindus in their lives and practice are based on Manusmriti. Today Manusmriti is Hindu Law.” (Savarkar, V. D., ‘Women in Manusmriti’ in Savarkar Samagar, Vol. 4 (Collection of Savarkar’s Writings in Hindi) New Delhi: Prabhat, P. 416.)
And we all know, what Manusmriti had to say about the Dalits and women and why did Baba Saheb Dr. B.R. Ambedkar, who drafted our secular, democratic Constitution, start his journey by burning Manusmriti!
But since self-admittedly, Modi “owes all to RSS,” his views towards dalits is too is no different from Manusmriti which RSS’ Guruji hails. One such example is his own statement about the Dalits who are forced to perform manual scavenging. The statement is contained in pages 48-49 of Karmayog, a collection of Narendra Modi’s speeches to IAS officials at various points, published by the Gujarat govt in 2007: “I do not believe that they have been doing this job just to sustain their livelihood. Had this been so, they would not have continued with this type of job generation after generation….At some point of time, somebody must have got the enlightenment that it is their (Valmikis’) duty to work for the happiness of the entire society and the Gods; that they have to do this job bestowed upon them by Gods; and that this job of cleaning up should continue as an internal spiritual activity for centuries. This should have continued generation after generation. It is impossible to believe that their ancestors did not have the choice of adopting any other work or business.” (http://blogs.timesofindia.indiatimes.com/true-lies/entry/modi-s-spiritual-potion-to-woo-karmayogis).
So according to Modi, manual scavenging which the dalits are forced to perform, is a ‘spiritual activity,’ ‘bestowed upon them by Gods‘!!! After this shocking statement got exposed and reported, Modi withdrew all the copies of the book. But he did not change his ideas. In 2009, addressing 9,000-odd safai karmacharis, (sanitation workers) he likened the safai karmacharis’ job of cleaning up others dirt’ to that of a temple priest. He told them, “A priest cleans a temple every day before prayers, you also clean the city like a temple. You and the temple priest work alike”!!! And in 2013 Gujarat budget, allocated a sum of Rs 22.5 lakhs for giving training in Karmkand (rituals) to Safai Kamdars !
This is nothing but the RSS model of Manu inspired “samajik samrasta” – a clear an attempt to reverse the pioneering role of Babasaheb Dr. B.R. Ambedkar against untouchability and the formulation of Indian constitution.
Against Women’s Rights:
Golwalkar led the RSS in opposing the Hindu Code Bill (which was the first but incomplete step towards giving Hindu women equal rights to men), claiming that granting of rights to women would “cause great psychological upheaval” to men and “lead to mental disease and distress” (see Paula Bacchetta, Gender in the Hindu Nation: RSS Women as Ideologues, p.124).
In the women’s -wing of RSS, called Rashtra Sevika Samiti (founded in 1936), continues in the same manner. During the surging protests post -Dec 16 Delhi gang rape, we all heard how RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat said that rapes do not happen only in India and not in ‘Bharat’. Additionally, he also said: “We are not feminists, we are family-ists. We believe in ‘dampatya’ (conjugality) where a man and a woman together need to bring up a family.” The Outlook magazine, in its much acclaimed story “Holier than Cow” (28 Jan 2013), documents how, this women’s wing of RSS rationalises domestic violence: The story, interviewing one sevika (Sharda from Jabalpur) writes ” the shakhas, the Samiti also counsels women in their respective areas. There is a manual that is followed. When I ask her, “What advice would you give to a victim of wife beating?” she answers, “Don’t parents admonish their children for misbehaviour? Just as a child must adjust to his/her parents, so must a wife act keeping in mind her husband’s moods and must avoid irritating him. Only this can keep the family together.” Similarly, divorce is also a non option for women. She says, “Our task is to keep the family together, not break it. We tell the women to adjust. Sometimes, we try counsel the husband too.”
This the essence of RSS ideology and practice, to which ‘Hindu Nationalist’ Modi claims to “owe all.” So no matter how much the PR mangers may try, essential Modi cannot be image-managed! This is the BJP’s real Modifesto – the blue-print of hate, violence, co-option and subjugation of all oppressed sections!