Comrade Satish Yadav’s Murder: Cowardly Conspiracy by BJP-Backed Feudal Forces


Comrade Satish Yadav, popular Party leader from Bhojpur, has been murdered. At 6 pm on 20 August while returning from a Jandawedari sabha in Badgaon (Agiao Vidhan Sabha constituency) he was ambushed and killed by local BJP leader, President of PACS and Ranveer Sena henchman Rinku Singh and his gang.

The rising political assertion of the poor has increased frustration and disquiet in feudal forces just before the Bihar elections. Behind all its tall claims and rhetoric of development the BJP along with its Mahagathbandhan (Grand Alliance) leaders is out to stop the increasing mobilization the poor, dalits, farmers, and working sections of society at any cost and are once again training their guns on CPI(ML) leaders in their frustration.

Only a few months ago, Comrade Upadhyaya Yadav, a popular peasant leader in Jehanabad district, was seriously injured after being shot at by the same feudal criminal forces.

35-year old Satish Yadav was a member of the Party’s Agiao block committee and had played an important role in the people’s struggle against the Ranveer Sena. This murder has been committed at a time when a strong agitation is on for the arrest of Ranveer Sena commanders who have been exposed through their own admission on camera in the Cobrapost sting. This incident is proof that the morale of feudal forces has been boosted by Narendra Modi’s meeting in Ara. Present on the dais with Modi at the meeting were BJP leaders Sushil Modi and CP Thakur, who stand exposed by the Cobrapost sting as the protectors of the Ranveer Sena.

Eyewitnesses say that the killing was done with the connivance of Ajeemabad thana in-charge Shyamdev Singh. When Satish Yadav was returning from the sabha, the police followed on the same road with a gap of few minutes, went into the village and almost immediately news came of his murder. Popular people’s leaders are being regularly killed with the connivance of the BJP and Nitish Kumar’s police.

The news of Com. Satish’s killing left the people stunned and a wave of grief spread through the entire district. His final journey took place on 22 August, and it was an unprecedented event. It began at the Ara Party office where people paid floral tributes to the beloved departed leader. Leaders who paid tribute to Com. Satish included PB member Swadesh Bhattacharya, Bihar State Secretary Kunal, PB member Amar, CC member Nand Kishore Prasad, Bhojpur district secretary Jawahar Lal Nehru, Sudama Prasad, Raju Yadav, Manoj Manzil and others. The last voyage then began. From Ara to Ajeemabad, hundreds of motorcyclists led the way, a convoy of cars followed, and people were lined on both sides of the road to catch a last glimpse of their beloved leader. People from outside the ambit of the Party also took part in the condolence meeting whose struggles had recently been led by Com. Satish. Tearful eyes brimming with anger and grief bade farewell on the banks of the Son River to the beloved leader with slogans of “Com. Satish amar rahe, Shaheed tere armanon ko manzil tak pahunchaenge”.

The CPI(ML) Bihar State committee called for a Bhojpur bandh on 21 August to protest this killing. This a matter of shame for the Bihar government that far from arresting the killers of the poor, the series of attacks on and killing of the poor who are demanding justice has begun afresh.

The Bhojpur bandh got an overwhelming response from the people of the district. On 22 August Statewide protests were organized across Bihar.

Com. Satish Yadav: A Life Sketch

Comrade Satish Yadav fell prey to a murderous feudal-criminal assault at the young age of 35. He was very popular due to his initiatives on various people’s issues. This is the reason a veritable sea of people thronged to his last voyage and tears flowed freely from the eyes of the poor, dalits, farmers and women.

Com. Satish was born in Kamariya village of Agiaon block in a middle peasant family. His father Com. Judge Yadav was also very popular among peasantry as a CPI(ML) leader and in 1990 he fought the Assembly election from the Barhhara seat where he secured 25,000 votes. From childhood Com. Satish Yadav realised the importance of political assertion for the poor and became an integral part of their struggles.

The historic struggle against Baga math by the peasants and agrarian workers for the land in that region made a strong impression on the young Satish, when he decided to dedicate himself to the people’s fight for liberation. He became a member of the CPI(ML) in 1995. That was the phase when the bloodthirsty Ranveer Sena was spreading terror in Bhojpur and massacre after massacre was being perpetrated. Com. Satish came to the forefront of the fight against the Ranveer Sena and fought several historic battles as part of the Party’s propaganda squad. His capabilities soon made him a popular leader within the Party as well as with the people.

After the decline of the Ranveer Sena phenomenon, he led many struggles on basic issues of workers and peasants, against crime, and for developmental issues of the area. His many initiatives concerning the poor as well as middle peasantry became subject of popular discussions and inspiration among common masses. Last year when the paddy crop in Ajeemabad was withering due to lack of irrigation, Com. Satish led a 4-day road block agitation by farmers for water to be released into the canal. Under pressure from the agitation the canal from Nonaur to Ajeemabad was cleaned and water came to the fields. The administration also had to send a work-plan for the Dedhua pump canal project, a long standing demand of the region. Com. Satish emerged as a popular leader among the peasants. He carried out a historic struggle for the procurement of paddy crop in Agiao and forced the administration to purchase 30,000 quintals of paddy from sharecroppers and small farmers.

The killer Rinku Singh as President of the Badgaon panchayat PACS, faced defeat at the hands of the militant peasant movement led by Com. Satish for the purchase of paddy. Even now, Rs 8 lakhs remains unpaid to the farmers as arrears, for the payment of which Com. Satish was incessantly fighting. By killing Com. Satish the BJP has snatched away a beloved young leader from the peasants. This ghastly incident has exposed the anti-farmer character of the BJP and its protégé the Ranveer Sena.

Com. Satish was active in raising all developmental issues. And with his increasing popularity, frightened feudal forces in connivance with the local administration and police had falsely implicated him in a number of false cases. A case was filed against him in the Pawana agitation for electricity. He was also charged with a case against him in the Narayanpur agitation against murder of a father-son duo by feudal criminals. He carried out strong agitations on the issue of electricity in Narayanpur, Akauna, pawana, Madanpur and other villages, after which the mahadalit tolas saw electricity first time in their life.

He also successfully fought the struggles of the sand-mining workers who were losing their livelihood because of the illegal sand mining through JCB machines by dominant forces in Ajeemabad river banks, resulting in the victory of the sand workers. He led struggles for the inclusion of the poor in the BPL lists of Agiao panchayat, the corruption of PDS dealers, and for availability of ration under PDS. From building schools and roads to every people’s issue was actively raised and fought under his leadership. He successfully led the agitation for reinstatement of teachers in the school at Poswa. In killing him, the BJP led goons have killed a leader who was constantly working for the development of the region.

Comrade Satish had been incarcerated in jail as a political prisoner charged with false cases. But even in jail, Comrade Satish did not lose sight of the struggle. He was among those political prisoners who organised prisoners inside Ara jail to collect funds for a Bhagat Singh bust to be installed inside the jail.

CPI(ML) Politburo member Comrade Ramji Rai has recounted the moving memories of having met the young Comrades Satish and Sanjay on 23 March 2011, on the occasion of Bhagat Singh martyrdom day when the bust was unveiled. “Seeing the huge participation of people in the Bhagat Singh centenary programmes of 2007-08 in Bhojpur, Bhagat Singh scholar Prof. Chaman Lal had exclaimed, “It feels as though Bhagat Singh was born in Bhojpur”… You are right Chaman Lalji, remember how Baba Nagarjun wrote in his poem ‘Bhojpur’ – ‘Bhagat Singh has just been reborn here …’. The bust of Bhagat Singh had been made by comrades in Banaras. I was the chief guest at the unveiling. The jail administration was most reluctant to let me enter the jail, but the comrades’ struggles succeeded in forcing them to concede. In the presence of the jailer, Comrade Sanjay cut the ribbon and Comrade Satish unveiled the statue. The foundation of the bust has the names of these comrades and Bhagat Singh’s words, ‘By revolution I mean – complete overthrow of the unjust order.’ … There have been many instances of temples and mosques being built inside jails, but this is perhaps the only instance of a statue of Bhagat Singh being installed inside the jail – and it could have happened only due to the efforts of those revolutionaries like Satish, incarcerated inside the jail.”

Comrade Satish’s life will remain an inspiring reminder of the two extremes of Bihar’s social and political life – one of brutal violence and oppression and the other of brave resistance by comrades like Satish. The future of Bihar certainly belongs to the Bhagat Singhs of Bihar like Satish.

Uphold the Landmark Verdict by the Allahabad High Court on Schooling!

neta ki (2)AISA welcomes the historic and landmark verdict by the Allahabad High Court directing the chief secretary to ensure that children/wards of government officials/servants, those serving in the local bodies, representatives of people and judiciary, etc., are sent to state run primary schools. The judgement took cognizance of the pathetic situation of the state run primary schools and observed that it was important that the aforementioned section sent their children or wards to the state run schools, since –“Only then would they be serious enough to look into the requirements of these schools and ensure that they are run in good condition”.

The court also took cognizance of the unequal schooling system that exists in the country and in this case, the state of Uttar Pradesh, as a result of which the quality schools are accessible only to the affluent sections that can afford the high cost of these schools whereas the majority of the masses are forced to send their children to sub-standard Board schools that lack sufficient infrastructure. Sudhir Agarawal, the single judge who gave the verdict noted that –

Today, judicial cognizance can be taken of the fact that there are three categories of Primary Schools running in the State of U.P., imparting education to minor children of this State. One of such categories, which is catering to the need of almost 90 per cent of the population of minor children are run by Board and in the most shabby conditions.

  • There are a very few number of Primary Schools run by elite and highly privileged category of people which are branded public schools.Some English/Convent Schools are run by Christian minority wherein children of poor and lower-middle class have virtually negligible scope. This category of Schools basically cater to the need of highly rich people, high class Bureaucrats, Ministers, peoples’ representatives, like, Members of Parliament, Members of Legislative Assemblies and high-middle class people. The wards of a limited class of elite society can get education therein.Most of the people cannot meet even financial standards of fees. Admission standards are very strict and mostly available due to high resources. These Schools have best kind of infrastructures, tutorial staff and all other facilities. These Schools can be termed as ‘Elite Schools’.”

The excerpt from the judgment is a particularly relevant as it voices the concern of political and social activists who have been fighting for an egalitarian education system that guarantees quality education to all without discriminating on socio-economic basis. A common school system based on the principles of neighbourhood schooling where all schools offer similar quality of education in terms of training of teachers, infrastructure, student-teacher ratio, student centred pedagogy, and an updated curriculum that is sensitive to pluralities and can be accessed in children’s own languages, has been a long standing demand of those who envision quality education as an unquestionable right of every child.

Unfortunately, for long our school education system has operated as a multiple tier system where quality comes only at a price. At different locations on the tier are not just the private and the public schools, but within the government run public schools also, there are variations as far as the quality is concerned.

The Right to Free and Compulsory Education Act (2009), despite its pretentious claims, came as massive disappointment to all as it not only failed to make quality school education till class XII a right of every child, but it also failed to address the unbridgeable gap between quality of high cost private schools and low cost government run schools. Further, it kept some of the better run government schools like the KVs, Sainik Schools and the Navodya Vidyalaya’s out of the ambit of the RTE.

Several activists and forums such as the AIFRTE have struggled for last one decade with the slogan “Neta ki ya mazdoor ki ho santaan, sabko shiksha ek saman”. AISA for long has been in the forefront of all such struggles to ensure that quality schooling be a right of every child. AISA has also stood in solidarity with all struggling forces who have fought for Right to Education, where education is not narrowly interpreted as a limited period entry to the lowest rung of badly run government schools. An entry into a primary school where one or two teachers (often ill trained and under qualified) are expected to teach students of at least five grades, while simultaneously handling several other responsibilities including that of the preparation of everyday mid-day meal and participation in various election and census related works, by no means serves the purpose of quality education to all.

In this context, the Allahabad Court judgment assumes significance for the implications it holds not only for schools in UP but for schools across states. The conditions of the government run schools does not come as surprise, and the judgment insightfully notes that as long as those responsible for the running of these schools do not send their own children to them, no worthwhile change can be expected-

It is not difficult to understand, why conditions of these Schools has not improved. The reason is quite obvious and simple, though the State Government is not able to see. There is no real involvement of administration with these Schools. Any person who has some capacity and adequate finances, sends his child/children in Elite and Semi-Elite Primary School. They do not even think of sending their wards for primary education to Schools run and managed by Board. Whether it is the District Collector or Police Chief in the District or any other Government Servant, they ensure that their children should get primary education in Primary Schools having better infrastructure and other facilities which obviously belong to first and second categories of Primary Schools, as noted above and completely exclude third category Schools, i.e. Common-men’s Schools. The public administration therefore has no actual indulgence to see functioning and requirements of these schools. These schools have become a mode of earning political mileage instead of real catering to its need”.

 It is not surprising that several from these ‘elite’ and ‘semi-elite’ sections have criticized the judgment as a case of ‘Judicial Over-reach’. Given that for long these sections have ensured that quality education remains a commodity for sale that they alone have the resources to purchase, they are likely to engage in nefarious attempts to ensure that implementation of the directive is met by obstacles.

In such a context, AISA appeals to all to unite to ensure that pressure is built on the UP and other state governments as well to act according to the verdict and also to remain vigilant towards attempts to scuttle the same.




Public Meeting against attack on Dalit women at Parbatta

The organized and open attacks on Dalits and women in Shiromani Tola of Parbatta block in Khagariya district in Bihar on 27 July 2015 have exposed how both BJP and the ruling JDU have a nexus with perpetrators of caste and gender violence in Bihar.

On that day, an organized gang of 250 men from the dominant upper caste community attacked the Dalit tola openly. The attack was planned at a meeting held at local BJP leader’s house. Dalit women were subjected to severe, brutal sexual assault, disrobing, bites/scratches on breasts, and were beaten black and blue with lathis. The attackers shouted slogans of “Jai Maa Durga” while carrying out this horrific attack on Dalit women. Those claiming to worship the ‘Mother Goddess’, had no qualms beating up a pregnant woman who had to be admitted to hospital with severe bleeding that lasted several days.

This attack was in ‘retaliation’ to the elopement and marriage of a Dalit young man with a young woman from the upper caste community. Prior to the attack there were attempts by the police and local leaders to pressurize the woman to return to her family. However, she bravely resisted these attempts, came to the police station and testified that she had married  in court on her own accord; and that her husband had in fact been her friend for many years and had even paid her fees to help her study.

Now, in a replay of the scenario of caste and communal violence at Bhagana and Atali in Haryana, the affected villagers of Shiromani Tola are unable to return home for fear of renewed attacks. They are forced to take shelter in a school in the neighbouring Goriyari village, and are dependent on the relief efforts of Dalits from neighbouring villages.


Women Activists stage a demonstration to press for arrest of the culprits involved in Parbatta gang rape case, in Patna, on Aug 4, 2015.

The local JDU MLA is openly protecting the perpetrators, and under his pressure, the local police, instead of arresting the main accused, is spending most of its energy in preventing the Dalits from protesting. Protesters were badly beaten up and lathi charged by the police. In spite of this the protests continue.

Notably, one of the main accused in the incident, was a key mobilizer for Modi’s Muzaffarpur rally. No wonder, Modi made no mention of the Parbatta violence at his Gaya rally! In fact there has been deafening silence from Bihar’s BJP leaders on the issue.

Incidents like Parbatta remind us of the brutal history of massacres and violence on Dalit and oppressed caste women by feudal forces in Bihar. The massacres of Bathani Tola and Bathe took the lives of mostly women and children of the oppressed castes. The Ranveer Sena boasted of its genocidal intention: women were targeted because “they would give birth to Naxalites”, children were eliminated because “they would otherwise grow into Naxalites”.

These massacres were perpetrated by the Ranveer Sena that openly supported the BJP in elections. Ranveer Sena literature echoed typical RSS literature, with shrill anti-communism and ardent cries for abolition of Article 370 and ban on cow-slaughter. The massacres took place during the Laloo-Rabri regimes, with those regimes shielding the perpetrators and allowing the Ranveer Sena all the freedom to massacre.

And the Nitish regime, as soon as it came to power, disbanded the Amir Das Commission, that had been appointed to enquire into the political linkages of the Ranveer Sena. And if the Laloo-Rabri regime presided over the Ranveer Sena massacres, the Nitish regime presided over the massacre of justice, in which all the massacre convicts were serially acquitted by Courts.

The sexual assault at Parbatta, like that at Kurmuri earlier, follows in the footsteps of the Ranveer Sena massacres and the subsequent massacres of justice. It also links up with the current countrywide trend of violence instigated by Sangh and dominant-caste groups against Dalits, inter-caste marriage, and women’s autonomy.

The Sangh groups and BJP from Muzaffarnagar to Agra to Bareilly to Haryana to West Bengal are using the ‘Beti Bachao’ slogan to instigate communal violence in the name of ‘rescuing our women from Muslims’ – and invariably this offensive attacks both inter-caste and inter-faith marriage. In Tamil Nadu, there have been a spate of murders of Dalit men who have married women from powerful middle castes, accompanied by arson and attacks on the villages of the Dalit men. This violence in Tamil Nadu has been organized by political parties and caste groups that have openly warned Dalit men to ‘remain within the Lakshman Rekha’ – and have advocated that women be denied higher education to maintain that they remain within the Lakshman Rekha.

Not only in Bihar but all over the country, there is a need to reject and resist the political forces that are trying to impose the caste-gender Lakshman Rekhas on society, to protest the violence on women and Dalits, and to intensify the assertion of the autonomy and freedom of women and Dalits.

Education Parliament against Modi Government’s Attack on Higher Education


aisa education higher modi government policy smriti irani hrd ministry

Students, teachers and academicians from institutions across the country will congregate in an Education Parliament in Jantar Mantar, New Delhi on 5 August to expose the disastrous policy offensive pursued by the Modi government in the sector of Higher Education.


 Also Read: AISA National Campaign Document on “Modi Government’s Attack on higher Education 

You can also be a Part of this Initiative Just Click and Fill the Form


The Modi Government’s policy offensive against higher education has raised serious concerns among students, teachers, academicians and common citizens. While budget allocation in education is seeing rapid reduction, little attempt is made to fill the faculty posts lying vacant in hundreds of universities or addressing the paucity of infrastructure in these centres of learning.  By imposing devastating and substandard programs like CBCS on the public funded university system of this country the Modi government is giving free ride to profit seeking global education providers to make wind fall profit exploiting the desire for higher education of millions of Indian students. The saffronization agenda is also looming large in the action of the Modi government where unscrupulous agents of the Sangh Parivar like Dinanath Batra are given position in decision making bodies. The appointments BJP loyalists and campaign managers like Y Sudarshan Rao in ICHR and Gajendra Chauhan in FTII, who have neither qualification nor credibility to head prestigious institutes of research and learning has also raised alarm on the counts of autonomy of institutions, curbing democracy and fears of saffronization.


 The Education Parliament will deliberate on the Following issues which will adversely affect Higher Education in India.


Entering into binding commitments on education at WTO: The GoI has made ‘offers in Market Access’  to WTO in higher Education sector in 2005. If the government does not withdraw these offers and let them become “binding commitment” to WTO by the end of this year, as scheduled, it would seriously compromise the nation’s sovereignty in deciding upon education for its people. Providing education must be treated a fundamental duty of the government and not a ‘marketable commodity’ as that would only add to the denial of education to the poor and deprived section of our country. At the same time, such commitments to WTO would also lead to the degradation of course content and quality of higher education and research in our country to suit the purpose of profit driven corporate ‘traders’ in education.


Imposition of CBCS in Universities: It seems in order to comply with the conditionalities of WTO, the UGC and the MHRD have been sending notices and letters to the universities to adopt the ‘Choice Based Credit System’. Rather than ensuring choice, the scheme of CBCS would be an imposition of substandard and unnecessary burden on students at the cost of existing academic specialisation in our courses.


Central University Bill and the RUSA: News reports also reveal that the MHRD is preparing to implement the draft Central Universities of India Bill, 2013. This would mean that all the existing central universities which has been established through different acts of the parliament would come under one common act. The Central University Bill proposes common syllabus, common entrance exam and faculty transfer. In the name of ‘common’ syllabus and course structure, this will enable the central govt to impose their whims on all Universities. By ‘centralising all recruitments’, the Central Government will have a free hand to dictate faculty appointments of its choice. And the provision to ‘faculty-transfer’ will act as a weapon to keep the upright faculty members who ‘do not fall in line’ under permanent threat. In short, the bill will seriously endanger the rich plural tradition, academic diversity and institutional autonomy of universities in our country and subordinate them to a centralised command of the central government. At the same time the Rashtriya Uchatara Shiksha Abhiyan, another flagship program of the MHRD, would open up spaces of public funding of private institutes at the cost of special investment for public institutes that are lagging behind.


Partisan and Substandard Appointments in Academic Institutions; Attack on Plural, Rational, Inclusive and Democratic Ethos in Curriculum and Appointments: In several unfortunate moves, the MHRD has appointed people with little academic credentials, obscurantist views and partisan political loyalties as heads of institutes of prime importance such as ICHR, NITs, Universities etc. The latest of such move by the central government is the appointment of a person who has no significant contribution to the world of Film and Television as the Chairperson of the FTII. We have also seen how the Ambedkar Periyar Study Circle in IIT, Madras was banned after interventions by the MHRD. At the same time books by Dinanath Batra which are full of misinformation and prejudices has been made school text books in Gujarat.


It is a well accepted understanding that irrespective of the political change at the centre, the academic institutions and course content should remain committed to constitutional principles of democracy, plurality of thoughts and promotion of rational, scientific, inclusive ethos in education and culture.


Continued curtailment of campus democracy through Lyngdoh Committee Recommendations (LCR): Our experience of past eight years have shown that LCR  has failed in both its stated claims of either ensuring regular, mandatory elections in all campuses or controlling money and muscle power. Student Union elections continue to be denied in hundreds of campuses including in central universities like BHU and Jamia. And where elections are held, despite the LCR, they continue to be dominated by money-muscle power. In contrast, the Court and the govt used the LCR code to scuttle the JNUSU constitution, which had put in place one of the most democratic, peaceful, accountable and vibrant model of students’ union elections in the country for decades, much beforeLyngdoh recommendations came in force. This dichotomy proves the REAL PURPOSE of LCR ‘codes’. In times of privatisation, when basic campus facilities are being commercialised in the name of ‘reforms’, it becomes necessary for the university authorities and governments to weaken Student Unions to quell democratic protest and resistance. So under the pretext of ‘curbing money-muscle’ in students politics, the LCR ‘codes’ were essentially meant to curb the democratic student participation, student unions and student movement that can pose a powerful resistance to the govt.’s anti-student agenda in this neo-liberal times.


The above mentioned policies of the government have created a deadly mix for education in India. Several students’ and teachers’ bodies and academicians have launched struggles against these moves. In such a situation, we feel that it is the call of the hour that students, teachers, students’ and teachers’ organisations and elected bodies, academicians and intellectuals, who are concerned about the quality and accessibility of education, academic plurality, autonomy and democratic space in campuses, come together to strengthen the ongoing struggles and resist the massive policy offensives on education.


We are requesting all organisations to join with their own placards and banners. Looking forward to your suggestions, support and participation.


– An Appeal Circulated by JNUSU.



Prof.Anil Sadgopal, AIFRTE

Prof. Parvin Sinclair, former Director NCERT

Prof. Roop Rekha Verma, former VC, Lucknow Univ.

Prof Gopinath Ravindran, JMI and former ICHR member secretary

Prof. Harbans Mukhia, noted historian

Prof. Satish Deshpande,DU

Prof. Anup Dhar, AUD

Nandita Narain, Prez. DUTA, FEDCUTA

Prof. Sachidanand Sinha, Prez.JNUTA

Prasenjit Biswas, NEHUTA

Manoj Pandey, Prez.LUACTA

Dinesh Kumar, Prez.LUTA

Prof. M.S. Bhatt, Jamia TA

Prof. Mustafa Zaidi, Secy. AMUTA

Prof. Saraswat, Prez. IGNOU TA

Prof. Shiv Mohan, Gen. Secy. AUTA

Shahzeb Ahmad Aashu, Secy. AMUSU

Nachi Muttu,Prez. FTII Students’ Union

and Representatives of Campuses and Students’ Organisations

Students from

Allahabad Univ, Andhra Univ, Assam Univ(Diphu Campus), Adikavi Nannaya Univ, Babasaheb Bhimrao Ambedkar Bihar University (Muzaffarpur), Bhagalpur Univ, BHU, Bundelkhand Univ (Jhansi), Calcutta Univ, Devangere Univ, Diphu Govt College, Dr. Bhimrao Ambendkar Univ(Agra), Delhi Univ, Eastern Karbi Anglong College, FTII,    J P Univ(Chhapra), Jadavpur Univ, Jamia Millia Islamia, JNU, Jyotiba Phule Univ (Pune), Kannada Univ, Lalit Narayan Mithila Univ (Darbhanga), Lucknow Univ, Magadh Univ, Mahatma Gandhi Kashi Vidyapeeth, Mumbai Univ, Osmania Univ, Pandit Deen Dayal Upadhayay Univ(Gorakhpur), Patna Univ, Punjab Univ, Ram Manohar Lohiya Awadh Univ, Ruhelkhand Univ(Bareily), Thong Nokbe College, Uttar Pradesh Pravidik Univ, Veer Kunwar Singh Univ(Ara), West Bengal State Univ

will participate in the Education Parliament.

AISA appeals to the students to join the Education Parliament in large numbers and force the central government to roll back the disastrous policy regime in education.